Fidel Castro never bowed to the US, setting an example that Africans should also follow, said Demirel Alfonso Lopez, a historian and Master in Educational Sciences with a specialty in history and philosophy, whose family members were engaged in liberation struggles in several African conflicts in the 1970s, mainly Angola and Ethiopia.
“He never got down on one knee to the empire [the US], and I think that it is also an example that Africans must take on: on equal terms, in conditions of friendship, you can negotiate, and you can have relationships with whomever you want in the world, but always on such a basis. If they allow those principles not to prevail, then it will not come out to Africa from the vicious circle of poverty, corruption, underdevelopment, conflicts genres …” he told Sputnik Africa.
He noted that, in this context, Russia and China, even while pursuing their own interests, are “willing to take into account the interests of the African peoples,” unlike the West.
Furthermore, Lopez said that, like every human being, Fidel had both strengths and flaws, but ultimately, it was his positive legacy—the metaphorical light—that shone the brightest. The most compelling example he has left for Africans is his profound sense of national identity and anti-imperialism.
“… There is also a historical bond that links Cuba and the African continent, and that is why, also seeking to support Africans in their emancipatory struggles against … European colonialism, for the Cuban revolution, for Cubans, it was always … something like a historical duty to be able to pay that debt of suffering, of pain, that so many Africans and their descendants suffered in Cuba during the entire colonial process, [transatlantic slave trade when Africans were taken to Cuba], and then during the neocolonial process, where racism, discrimination, etc. always hit mainly Africans and their descendants,” he explained.
Let us dwell a little on some specific cases of assistance to Africa in its liberation movement, starting from the north of the continent. The struggle of Algeria against the French metropolis lasted from 1954 to 1962, and Cuban assistance coincided with the final stage of the conflict, considering that the triumph of the Cuban revolution occurred on January 1, 1959. The Island of Freedom helped the North African country in two ways. First, on the international political arena.
“[Cuba was one of the countries that was] advocating for the liberation of Algeria, for the struggle that the people of Algeria carried out in different forums, because you have to make the difference. I mean, with a National Liberation Movement, I can be fighting in Algeria, but I don’t have a representation at an international level in many forums, right? … Someone has to be my spokesperson; someone has to, in some way, represent my interests,” he said.
Lopez recalled that it was a “very, very bloody struggle” and, in a certain sense, unequal, as the National Liberation Front had to fight against one of Europe’s major military powers without having many resources at its disposal. However, “with a lot of heroism, with a lot of patriotism and sacrifice, they carried out this struggle for national liberation against the French colonial power.”
The second line of support involved providing resources and training to guerrillas.
“Cuba transferred advisors [that] … trained many of these Algerian fighters, who, although they didn’t have all the military resources, in armament, etc., but already with better training and especially with light armament, with tactics typical of the guerrilla war, they managed to carry out their struggle for national liberation and reach their goal. Finally, France had to recognize, after the Evian Accords, had to recognize the independence of Algeria,” the historian said.
Regarding the Angolan situation, it’s essential to highlight the significantly broader involvement of Cuba.
Angola embarked on its national liberation journey, similar to many other African countries, during the 1960s and 1970s. By 1975, Angolan revolutionaries had succeeded in pushing Portuguese colonial forces out of Angola. In the context of the Cold War, the pro-socialist, pro-Soviet MPLA (People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola), led by Agostinho Neto, came to power and faced two primary challenges.
Firstly, Neto had to confront internal opposition, mainly from UNITA (the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), a rival organization with more capitalist inclinations. Additionally, Angola had to contend with an invasion from the south by the South African White Army, representing the apartheid regime in South Africa, which had crossed through Namibia—a territory under the control of racist South Africa at the time.
“Neto requested help from the Cuban government, and the Cuban government, with Fidel at the head … did not hesitate for a second to lend this help. For that reason, in 1975, the first Cuban troops arrived to support the MPLA. … My father was one of those first combatants who arrived in Angola, and they managed at that time, together with the MPLA, to defeat that great double threat: they managed to contain the attacks of the internal UNITA, but above all, they managed to contain the South African invasion from the south and expel the South African forces from the south of Angola,” he shared with Sputnik Africa.
However, the conflict with UNITA persisted because, during the Cold War, the United States and its allies were actively involved in arming, training, and supporting UNITA to the greatest extent possible. This led to Angola being pulled into a civil war with external involvement—a conflict that was both “very bloody” and “exhausting,” Lopez noted.
Cuba’s assistance continued in the following years of the conflict, which only ended in 1991. It is estimated that around 50,000 Cuban soldiers participated in the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale, which was a “crushing defeat” for the South African army and became a turning point not only in the Angolan conflict but also in the regional one. Additionally, as a result of this battle, agreements were signed.
“Firstly, a timetable would be established for the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, but in return, South Africa recognized the Angolan government and pledged not to invade Angolan territory anymore. Additionally, South Africa was committed to withdrawing from Namibia; that is, Namibia was going to accede to independence also thanks to what had also happened in Cuito Cuanabale. … If it was not a death thrust, it was a very deep thrust into the heart of South African apartheid,” he explained.
The South African apartheid regime suffered a significant setback from the defeat at Cuito Cuanavale, both internally and externally. International pressure mounted for the regime to enter negotiations that would lead to South Africa’s democratization, taking into account the demands of the black majority and their leader, Mandela, who had been imprisoned for many years. This external defeat was a severe blow to the apartheid government, and internally, it revealed weaknesses that bolstered the pressure from the black population for a negotiated end to apartheid.
Speaking about independence from the West in general, Lopez reminded that it often started with the metropolitan power itself, which granted independence but under certain conditions that later created problems. These problems included artificial borders that did not take into account the ethnic characteristics of countries, which subsequently became one of the reasons for some conflicts.
However, as the speaker noted, real control has always been economic. The former colonial powers continued to exploit the natural resources of their former colonies through transnational companies. American companies later joined in this exploitation.
In recent years, though, we have witnessed a resurgence of national consciousness among the African people, according to the historian.
Today, this resurgence is evident in Africa, with the military often embodying this renewed sense of national pride, supported by the majority of the population, who see the military as a symbol of hope, Lopez said. In countries where these events have unfolded, the first demand is typically for the removal of foreign bases. These bases, ostensibly established to combat Islamic extremism, in reality enable external interference in the internal affairs of countries, acting as a policing force to protect the interests of transnational companies. It is akin to sleeping with the enemy, he compared.
Wrapping up this extensive interview, Lopez called on African countries to invest more in human capital to truly enjoy their vast resources.
“It is time for Africa to stop being the forgotten continent and start having weight at the international level … We also need to excel in science, education, and technology. These fields should serve as the foundation for the development of African countries. … What good is it to have resources if you do not know what to do with them? We can have the resources, but if we don’t have trained and willing people to support their development, it’s going to be very difficult,” he concluded.